Hist 199 Reading Guide Headings/Topics from Changing Lives Ch. 2


In my experience, memoirs like the ones I have been reading for many years make a special point of "listing up" key historical moments and important "players" or historical actors who attended various meetings, expressed themselves on issues, and/or took leadership roles. In the case of Yoshitake Teruko's memoir, we see her mentioning the people and events listed below.

Remember, her memoir is aimed at accomplishing two things:

a) creating a history of women's movements (undôshi) and

b) weaving her own personal narrative within it.

Therefore, it seems important to her and to other authors to "ground" their readers in actual historical events. Of course, she does not claim that she was present for all of these moments--she couldn't have been--but it is clear which ones she was at and which ones she simply knows about and/or has researched for the benefit of her readers.

 

Part I—pp. 43-65:

She starts out talking about three very important women,

Ichikawa Fusae a pioneer women's advocate, Hiratsuka Raichô, and Oku Mumeo--co-founders New Women’s Association 新婦人協会, Shin-fujin kyо̄kai which emerged after WWI in 1919. (44-45).

Ichikawa Fusae was a tireless advocate for women's political rights and in the postwar period was elected to the Upper House multiple times. The day after the terms of the Potsdam Declaration were accepted, Ichikawa was meeting with other women and prepared a petition to grant women the right of full political participation. (44)

We should remember that in the prewar period, women did not have the franchise and since the Meiji Constitution specified who could vote (men, over 25 years of age paying at least 3 yen in annual taxes) there really was no realistic way for women to obtain the right to vote. But, it was possible to push for a reform of Article 5 of the Public Peace Police Law which forbade women from taking part in any political activities, from joining any political organizations, or even attending a political meeting.

It took considerable effort and multiple proposals, but eventually they did succeed in reforming the law in 1922. The organization behind this push for reform was the very same New Women's Association formed in 1919. Instrumental in its formation was the second of the three women, Hiratsuka Raichô.

Hiratsuka and emerged on the scene in 1911 when she created a women's literary magazine dedicated to publicizing female writers and feminist issues. Called Seitô, or Bluestockings, the inaugural issue dramatically proclaimed

In the beginning, woman was truly the sun. An authentic person. Now she is the moon, a wan and sickly moon, dependent on another, reflecting another’s brilliance.

Seitô herewith announces its birth.


It may come as a surprise to some of you to learn that despite all the limitations placed on women, there was a vibrant and resilient feminist movement during the prewar years. Feminist writers and manifestos were translated from other languages and published in Seitô. Dedicated as she was to women's literature and feminist values, Raichô lived her life in the spotlight and after some tabloid-worthy scandals, she stepped back from her literary magazine and sought out Ichikawa and the third woman, Oku Mumeo, to found the New Women's Society in order to work towards political change.

Interesting side note, her successor as editor of Seitô was the younger and for more progressive figure, Itô Noe. Interested in socialism and anarchiism, she teamed up with the leading anarchist thinker of the day, Ōsugi Sakae (1885-1923) with whom she co-habitated.

An anarchist and intellectual leader, Ōsugi was a prolific writer and translator of the works of anarchists including Kropotkin, Bakunin, and Goldman. Anarchist thinker and activist Kōtoku Shūsui discovered Ōsugi and recruited him as a contributor for Kōtoku’s paper, the Heimin shimbun [The People's News]. Ōsugi eventually became central to the Japanese anarchist movement as an ardent, vocal activist. The Meiji government had little patience with leftists of any sort but in 1910 it uncovered a plot to assassinate Emperor Meiji known as the High Treason Incident which served as a pretext for the execution by hanging after a closed-door trial of 12 anarchists, including Kōtoku and his ex-wife Kanno Suga. Ōsugi remained as one of the few with the knowdge, language skills and dedication to keep radical anarchist and syndicalist thought before his readers and the people in the Labor Movement.

Sadly, in 1923, in the turmoil following the Great Kantô Earthquake, police and military officers sought to root out and kill as many leftists and union organizers as they could. Ōsugi, Itô and her 9 year old nephew, Tachibana Munekazu, who was actually from Portland, Oregon, were grabbed up by the military police and brutally murdered by strangulation. The man responsible for the murders was a Tokyo Military Police Captain, Amakasu Masahiko. He was sentenced to 10 years’ imprisonment for the murders, but was released on parole after only three years, and later became a powerful figure in the Japanese puppet state of Manzhuguo (in Korea and Manchuria) where he crossed paths with none other than Kishi Nobusuke who would later be appointed Deputy Minister of Industrial Development for the new puppet state which meant he had virtually total control over the Manchurian Economy. Kishi arranged to have Amakasu appointed to head the Manzhuguo Film Association where he made pro-Imperial Japan propaganda films. He died by suicide after Japan’s defeat in World War II.

Anti-Communist Poster with Japanese as Heroes c. 1938 (from Wikipedia)

 

Yoshitake notes that while it may appear that when the Occupation authorities gave the order on October 11, 1945 to give Japanese women the right of political participation including the vote, it was something they "granted." "But," she added, "in reality, we can also say that it was the result of Japanese women taking matters into their own hands and demanding this right." (45)

Yoshitake discusses how women experienced the First election in which they were eligible to vote. Yoshitake describes how on April 10, 1946, "I dragged my mother to the polling place...I was not about to stop crying unless she came along with me." (45) She estimated that 21, 500,000 women weree eligible to vote and a full 67% or 13, 760,000 elibible women turned out and voted. 39 female delegates were elected that day.

She also describes the historic meeting that took place with Lt. Ethel Weed who invited Kato Shidzue and Hani Motoko to meet with her. Later, Miyamoto Yuriko and Sata Ineko joined and on December 10,m 1945 the Women's Democratic Club was formed. (46) Yoshitake wants to forge a link between the resolve she sees in Ichikawa and the others to make a new start pushing to expand women's political rights and her own recollections as a fifteen year old, dragging her mother to the polling place on the occasion of women's first opportunity ever to vote in an election. (45-46)

Along with Ishikawa, Yoshitake does not want people to believe that women were just handed political rights and the franchiese by Occupation authorities, though technically they were. But this would ignore decades long efforts of organizing and fighting for expanded political rights in which prewar women did, in fact, engage.


The Ikebukuro Station Incident = random, forced medical exams for women picked up by police.


The Women's Democratic Club,

In order to "protect the virtue "of good Japanese women, the new government crated the Recreation and Amusement Association (RAA) in order to offer organized prostitution for Occupying troops.


International Women's Day (46-47)

 

The Opening of Japanese universities to women vs. ryôsai-kenbô (48-50)


April 22, 1946, the first three Japanese women passed the entrance exam for the Economics Department at the University of Tokyo. Yoshitake was moved and inspired. (50)

 


The Yasukuni Shrine, the New Education Law, Marking up Textbooks, and

September 15, 1948 Beatte Sirota worked with Oku Mumeo to create the Federation of Housewives (Shufuren) to mobilize housewives. (50-52)

August 24, 1948 15,000 housives from Tokyo rushed into 4 food distribution centers and pressured ward offices to do a better job with food distribution. (51)

 

"Food May Day," May 19, 1946 over 300,000 Japanese demonstrate -- they wanted ordinary Japanese people to manage food distribution. (53)


Yoshida and General Strike, Jan. 31, 1947, MacArthur orders the cancellation of the General Stike--a heartbreaking blow to liberals, progressives and the labor movement, (54ff)

 

Yoshitake on Entering Keiô University--the first time women could apply to such prestigiou 4-year univerties, and joining Theatre club (55-57).


June 25, just as Yoshitake was performing in a Camus play, The Just Assasins, the Korean War starts, setting Japan up as not a "neutral, non-aligned" peaceful nation, but as a forward base to aid the US in it's war on communism. Not at all what the "ideals of postwar democracy" meant to women like Yoshitake. The whole thing was very disillusioning to idealistic young people.


The ideals of peace and democracy could not be separated easily. The reverse course, initiated by the occupation and taken up with gusto by a succession of conservative governments, entailed Japan’s remilitarization both literally and economically. Only one month after the beginning of the Korean War, Prime Minister Yoshida inaugurated a modestly named National Police Reserve (Kokka Keisatsu Yobitai), a 75,000-strong force trained by U.S. advisors and armed with U.S. weaponry, including M1 rifles, machine guns, mortars, bazookas, flame throwers, artillery, and tanks (known as “special vehicles”).

The Korean War also rekindled Japan’s military industrial capacity. The economic windfall brought about by “special procurement” contracts with the U.S. gave such a critical boost to Japan’s languishing economy that Yoshida and other conservatives referred to the war as a “gift from the gods.” The sudden rise in the demand for military goods reanimated Japan’s factories and economic structures and fostered closer relations between the government and large industries.

 

The End of Postwar Democracy?


The role of "Special Procurements"


National Police Reserves - apparently Gen. MacArthur ordered Japanese officials to do this and they were only too happy to oblige - In Yoshitake's eyes everything that constituted the postwar ideal of peace and democracy was being cast aside.


Hiratsuka Raichô calls for Peace, Disarmament--this stands out in Yoshitake's memory. July 29, 1950 Hiratsuka reminded people that they must protect the Constitution and preserve peace and neutrality at all costs. (59)


Soon, the GHQ Initiated the Red Purge, and, taken together, all of these steps constituted a serious challenge to the ideal of postwar democracy in Japan. Groups to "Protect Peace and the Constituion" popped up all over Japan...but to little effect. (59-62)


Zengakuren Protest Conference 


Bloody May Day Incident (see NYT headline here);

 

II—pp. 65-83:


Zengakuren, the Shibuya Police Station,


Peace Treaty with US and US Bases


Kôra Tomi and Fudanren (62-68)


Entering Tôei Studios,


Yoshitake discusses her first job as an Advertising Producer,


Sekigawa Hideo's Film, "The Sunagawa Base," and the Protests (68-72):


The Japanese government had received directives from base officials to evict 140 families in Sunagawa from their homes and farmland to make way for the runway. For the farmers, it was not simply a problem of negotiating fair payment from the Procurement Office for the land they were going to lose. The loss of land would be an abrupt loss of livelihood not to mentioin ancestral and local history. Many locals traced their family ties in Sunagawa back to the early Edo Period.


Historian Shoji Arakawa wrote that “As a result of the intense anti-base movement of the Sunagawa Struggle —synergized with the political conflict and public division over the revision of the security treaty — the security treaty itself became a point of contention in the courts, through which the role, significance and interpretation of Article 9 had to be probed.” Without the farmers of Sunagawa, the Anpo (Japan-U.S. security treaty) protests of 1960 would have been something else entirely.


Uchinada Firing Range and Sunagawa City Protests, Women and North Fuji Practice Range (71-75)


UCHINADA INCIDENT (1952-53): villagers in Uchinada, Ishikawa Prefecture, protest the establishment of a US Army firing range.


NORTH FUJI PRACTICE RANGE


In 1958, the U.S. formally transferred control of the Fuji maneuver areas back to Japan, and in 1959, the bulk of U.S. troops in the Fuji region were relocated to Okinawa. Japan’s Self-Defense Forces (SDF)—thus called because the new constitution written by the U.S. Occupation authorities forbade Japan from going to war—took over regular management of the maneuver areas, with the U.S. military continuing to use them intermittently. Given the new balance of power, local iriai groups (i.s. groups committed to the long-held beliefs that rights to common lands belonged to local farmers) stepped up pressure on the Japanese government, arguing that SDF occupation of the maneuver areas was illegitimate unless the military entered into formal long-term contracts. Because much of their commons was registered as private property, communities near the East Maneuver Area had enough leverage to negotiate relatively quickly a 10-year rental agreement with the SDF in 1959.


The North Maneuver Area, consisting of lands mainly registered in the name of Yamanashi prefecture or the state, was a different story.


Throughout the 1960s the Japanese military reached temporary deals with iriai rights-holders, but conflict was ongoing, and sometimes erupted in dramatic protests. The most high-profile demonstration took place in 1965, when local iriai groups dissatisfied with payments offered by the government built protest huts in the North Fuji Maneuver Area and effectively brought SDF artillery practice to a halt for the entire summer.


The standoff intensified in early October, when a U.S. artillery regiment decided to fire “Little John” rockets from the East Maneuver Area to the North Maneuver Area. Police tried to clear the impact zone of protestors, but they were unsuccessful, and the commander of the artillery regiment refused to back down. In the end, the rocket test went forward; luckily no one was injured. This incident quickly became a national focal point for left-wing activists.


Highlighting the fact that the Little John rockets could potentially carry nuclear payloads, they tried to turn what was basically a conflict over common land rights into a central front of their ideological battle againstthe U.S.-Japan Security Treaty.

 

The Shibokusa Mother's Group, “At the Foot of the Mountain,” Leonie Caldecott (75-78)


Pregnancy v. Career, "If Mother's Change, Society will Change,"


World Assembly of Mothers (78-80)


Bikini Atoll Nuclear Testing, March 1, 1954 (80-82)

 

Women entered the peace movement in large numbers in response to an incident that occurred in 1954. In March of that year a Japanese tuna fishing vessel named the Lucky Dragon #5 was caught in the radioactive fallout from a U.S. hydrogen bomb test in the Pacific, resulting in the death of one crew member from radiation sickness. News that the ship’s cargo had been distributed to markets around Japan created a scare about the safety of the food supply, and six U.S. bomb tests over the subsequent two-and-a-half months kept the fear alive.

The incident was sometimes referred to as Japan’s third nuclear bombing, and brought Japan’s continuing exposure to the gathering nuclear arms race to public consciousness. It sparked signature campaigns demanding a ban on nuclear weapons that began at the local level, led primarily by housewives who stood at their local markets or used connections with the PTA and local governments to circulate petitions.

The politicization of women in these movements often hinged on their identity as caregivers and protectors of the family. The danger that first brought the issue home was contaminated fish, but this subsequently broadened into the danger of being caught up in another war. Opposing war for the sake of one’s children struck a chord with huge numbers of housewives who had lived through the devastation of World War II, and what began as a grassroots initiative quickly grew into Japan’s largest anti-nuclear movement, the Japan Council Against A- and H- Bombs (Gensuibaku Kinshi Nihon Kyōgikai, or Gensuikyō). By August 1955, just over a year after its birth, the movement had gathered nearly 32.4 million signatures against the bomb—roughly one third of the Japanese population at the time. [12] Gensuikyō, as well as dozens of women’s organizations, were major constituents of the Anpo protests.
Lucky Dragon No. 5, Ampo.

 

Review Questions: Yoshitake, “Contextualizing History” pp. 43-83

  1. What are the “logics of history” as Sewell uses the term, and how does it apply to Yoshitake’s memoir?

  2. What issue does Yoshitake have with Ichikawa Fusae and her autobiography? What had she done in 1940? 

  3. What does Ichikawa’s passion for women’s rights have to do with whether or not Japanese women were handed their political rights by the occupation?

  4. Yoshitake describes the meeting with Lt. Ethel Weed; what was the result?

  5. What did you think about the Recreation Amusement Association?

  6. For Yoshitake, one of the most important postwar developments for women was equal access to education; she describes a 180-degree turnaround on p. 49—from what to what?

  7. Who was Oku Mumeo and what did she do?

  8. She mentions Food May Day in May 1946 and then the General Strike in January 1947—where did Yoshitake stand on this strike call?

  9. She talks about her admission to Keiô University—how did that go for her and how did she feel?

  10. How did the Korean War play into her perceptions of the world?

  11. On p. 58 Yoshitake starts to talk about Hiratsuka Raichô.  If there were three really significant women in the prewar women’s movement they were: Ichikawa Fusae, Oku Mumeo and Hiratsuka Raichô. What was Hiratsuka’s stance regarding Japan’s position in the world?

  12. There was the GHQ Purge and then the order to create the National Police Reserves in 1950; what did this signal to Yoshitake?

  13. September 8, 1951, the US and Japan signed their peace treaty and in April of  1952, the US-Japan Security (aka Ampo). What did these events spell for Yoshitake? 

  14. Yoshitake mentions Zengakuren and Bloody May Day 1952—what happened? 

  15. On p. 66, another prewar and postwar activist Kôra Tomi is mentioned—see footnote #6—what was her role and impact?

  16. On pp. 68-71 we learn about Yoshitake’s entering the workforce. How was her interview process?  What kind of barriers did she break?

  17. How did Yoshitake become involved in the US bases in Japan issue?  There was the Sunagawa Base and later the North Fuji Practice Range. What do you think?

  18. From 76-77 we learn of a very difficult and personal choice Yoshitake had to face.  How did she wrestle with that? How is this moment contextualized?

19. How does the poem on p. 76 connect what Yoshitake was going through with other women and other issues?

  1. On March 1, 1954 the Lucky Dragon 5 Incident occurred. What was it?  What was its impact on Japanese society and women especially?

  2. Yoshitake concludes her chapter with a reference to Ampo in 1960…how then might we take this whole chapter that ranges from 1946-1960?  What sort of changes have the women’s movement, Japan and Yoshitake been through?  What have they learned?  How has it been a training ground for Japanese women?

    What does Loftus say in the Analysis Section?